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'''MESURES DE SANCTIONS DANS UNE ORGANISATION FEMINISTE'''
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'''"Sanction policies in a feminist party"
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Resolution of the 6th National Congress of the PRT (Mexican Section of the 4th International), 1989'''
  
Suivent les critères justifiant des sanctions internes dans l’organisation, en ce qui concerne l’oppression des femmes. Ils ont été approuvés au VIème congrès national du PRT, qui s’est tenu du 1er au 5 novembre1989  à Mexico.
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The following criteria of internal sanctions in the party, in regard to oppression of women, were approved at the VI National Congress, held from the 1st to the 5th of November in Mexico
  
Ce document est une contribution de la Commission Femmes du PRT à la réflexion à propos des mesures de sanctions en rapport avec l’oppression des femmes. Il nous semblait qu’il était particulièrement important de commencer cette réflexion par écrit, puisque nous avons décidé lors de notre dernier congrès de fournir de nouveaux efforts pour transformer cette organisation en organisation féministe. Nous sommes convaincues que, depuis notre dernier congrès, les camarades femmes se sont senties plus en confiance pour dénoncer des cas d’agression contre elles, ce qui nous conduit à faire les observations suivantes avec la volonté de poursuivre et d’approfondir la discussion entamée il y a deux ans.<br>
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The present document is a contribution from the PRT Women's Commission to the thinking about a sanctions policy in relation to women's oppression. We thought it was especially important to start the thinking in writing now, since we decided at our last congress to initiate new efforts to make this a feminist party. We believe that, since our last congress, women militants have been feeling more confident about denouncing cases of aggression against them, which motivates us to make the following observations with an eye to continuing to deepening the discussion begun two years ago.
Une organisation comme la nôtre, dont les principes révolutionnaires incluent une perspective féministe, se trouve face à des défis et des contradictions lorsqu’elle tente d’établir des règles et des normes à propos du fonctionnement interne. Lorsque nous rejoignons une organisation révolutionnaire, nous nous reconnaissons en général dans une certaine vision du monde, implicite dans nos principes, qui devient une identité commune, établissant en pratique une forme de contrôle social entre les membres de l’organisation révolutionnaire. Ce contrôle social est inscrit dans nos normes et nos règles, et est fondamentalement appliqué par la commission de contrôle et toutes les autres instances de l’organisation. C’est là qu’émerge la question des sanctions. Et c’est pour cela que les militants les considèrent nécessaires.<br>
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A party like ours, whose revolutionary principles include a feminist perspective, finds itself up against challenges and contradictions when trying to set norms and rules about internal functioning. When we join a revolutionary party we usually assume a certain world view, implicit in our principles, and that becomes an accepted common identity, establishing therefore in practice a social form of control between the members of the revolutionary party. This social control is found in our party norms and bylaws, and is enforced fundamentally by the control commission, and by all other party bodies. This is where sanctions come in to the picture. And this is why they are accepted by the militants as a necessity.
Certaines valeurs ont été acceptées historiquement pas les Marxistes du point de vue du comportement d’un-e militant-e révolutionnaire. Pour autant, en ce qui concerne le questionnement féministe, nous avons moins de valeurs communes, et ce pour plusieurs raisons, en particulier la jeunesse du mouvement féministe de masse. Les changements de comportement et de valeurs proposés par le féminisme ne sont pas acceptés par l’ensemble de la société, ni par tous les révolutionnaires, parce qu’ils font partie de ce qu’historiquement on considérait comme privé. C’est pour cela que mettre en place des normes dans la vie de l’organisation selon des critères féministes n’est pas chose facile.<br>
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There are certain values that have historically been accepted by Marxists regarding a revolutionary activist's behaviour. Nevertheless, when confronted with feminist questioning, we have fewer common values, due to several reasons, including for instance, the youthfulness of the mass feminist movement (with respect to the revolutionary movement). The changes in behaviour and in values that feminism proposes are not accepted by society as a whole, nor by all revolutionaries, because they are part of what has historically been considered as private. For that reason, creating norms for party life using feminist criteria is no easy task.
Nous savons qu’il ne s’agit pas de donner des recettes ou des modèles à suivre. La recherche d’hommes et de femmes nouveaux-elles est justement cela, une recherche. Nous savons que l’émancipation totale des hommes et des femmes n’est pas possible dans le système capitaliste, mais nous reconnaissons la nécessité de lutter pour le changement dès aujourd’hui, c’est un des apports de notre courant international. Nous n’acceptons pas l’attitude cynique qui consiste à dire qu’il est impossible de changer tout cela aujourd’hui, que les changements adviendront sous le socialisme. Notre engagement révolutionnaire nous conduit à lutter pour le changement dès aujourd’hui, aussi difficile que soit ce processus, et en dépit de ses contradictions. Après tout, la vie des hommes et des femmes révolutionnaires ne se caractérise pas par son confort.<br>
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We know that it is not a matter of giving recipes or models for life. The search for new men and women is just that: a search. We know that the total liberation of both men and women is not possible in the capitalist system, but precisely that is one of the contributions of our internationalist current, to recognize the necessity of struggling for change, starting today. We do not assume the cynical attitude that says "we can't change this today; it will change under socialism." Our revolutionary commitment is to fight for change starting today, however painful this process might be, and with all of its contradictions. After all, the lives of revolutionary men and women are not characterized by their comfort.
Dans notre nouveau courant marxiste révolutionnaire, nous concevons le féminisme comme un mouvement qui recherche un changement profond, la subversion de l’ordre établi. Il ne s’agit pas seulement d’assurer pour les femmes l’accès aux carrières, professions, postes, rang, reconnaissance, ressources, etc. Notre lutte féministe n’est pas seulement dirigée vers l’égalité formelle, elle s’applique à révolutionner les relations de genre en général, entre les hommes et les femmes. C’est pour cela que notre conception féministe inclut la sphère privée. Notre objectif est de féminiser autant le privé que le public.<br>
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In our new revolutionary Marxist current, we have a conception of feminism as a movement that seeks profound change, the subversion of the established order. We do not limit ourselves to assuring women access to careers, professions, posts, rank, encouragement, resources, etc. Our feminist struggle is not simply for formal equality, but to revolutionize gender relations, as a whole, between men and women. It is for this reason that our feminist conception includes also the private sphere. Our purpose is to feminize both the public and the "private. "
L’oppression des femmes s’exprime de manière fondamentale dans la sphère privée. Pour nous, la sphère privée n’est pas seulement constituée par les relations inter-familiales au foyer, mais surtout par la globalité des identités masculine et féminine, dans laquelle les relations liées à la domination de genre  sont ressenties de la manière la plus profonde et la plus douloureuse. Des siècles d’apprentissage des femmes et des hommes sont concentrés dans la formation de ces identités différentes. Les changer n’est pas chose aisée, mais nous espérons qu’il ne nous faudra pas encore des siècles.<br>
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Women's oppression is expressed in a fundamental way in the private sphere. To us, the private sphere is not only the home and intra-family relationships, but fundamentally the whole aspect of male and female identity in which the relationships linked with gender domination are felt the most deeply and painfully. Centuries of training for both men and women are concentrated in the formation of the differing male and female identities. To change this is no easy task, but let us hope it does not take us yet again as many centuries.
Il nous semblait que ces remarques préalables étaient nécessaires pour replacer l’oppression des femmes dans sa complexité, et pour rappeler l’importance d’approfondir notre compréhension sans utiliser des clichés à propos de l’oppression des femmes et de leur émancipation. De plus, nous pensons qu’il est important d’expliquer pourquoi nous disons que l’organisation n’est pas une île : ni les camarades hommes ni les camarades femmes ne peuvent atteindre l’émancipation eux et elles-mêmes, individuellement ou en groupes. Nous vivons dans une contradiction fondamentale : nous luttons tous les jours pour un autre monde, à contre-courant de la société, mais aussi de nous-mêmes.<br>
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We considered it necessary to start with these observations in order to put the complexity of women's oppression in that framework, and to call attention to the need deepen our understanding without using clichés about women's oppression and liberation. Also we think it's important to explain why we say that the party is not an island, neither men nor women militants can really liberate themselves individually or in groups. We live with the contradiction of fighting every day for a new world, against the current of the rest of society, as well as in relation to ourselves.
Le problème majeur, c’est qu’il nous faut établir un certain contrôle social interne en ce qui concerne les relations de genre, malgré les difficultés inhérentes à notre réalité. Dans ce domaine, nous avons déjà fait plusieurs pas importants, si nous tenons compte du contexte hostile. L’ « affirmative action » et les quotas minimaux dans les directions sont deux mesures importantes pour la construction d’une organisation révolutionnaire féministe.  
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The greatest problem is that, regardless of the difficulties implied in our reality, we have to establish certain social, internal control in regards to gender relations. In this field we have taken several important steps forward, if we take into account the adverse context. Affirmative action, and minimum quotas in the leadership are two important measures towards building a feminist revolutionary party.
Pour autant, il y a d’autres aspects de la construction de l’organisation auxquels il est plus difficile d’appliquer des critères féministes. Le contrôle social destiné à protéger les camarades femmes contre l’agression de camarades hommes n’est pas aisément accepté. En d’autres termes, la féminisation de la sphère publique (accès pour les femmes aux directions, aux mandats …) est moins problématique que celle de la sphère privée. Le problème est d’autant plus fondamental que c’est là que nous trouvons les pires formes d’oppression des femmes.<br>
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Nevertheless, there are other aspects of party building where it is more difficult to apply feminist criteria. Social control to protect women militants against aggression by male comrades is not commonly accepted. In other words, feminizing the public sphere (access for women to the leadership, delegates, etc.) is less problematic than feminizing the private sphere. The biggest problem is that that is where we find the worst of women's oppression.
Nous pensons que nous, en tant que militants des deux sexes, devons fournir de sérieux efforts pour changer notre comportement et nos idées, mais il s’agit évidemment d’un processus long et sinueux. Il n’est pas question de considérer qu’il s’agit de trouver des recettes dans un livre de cuisine ou un manuel, l’établissement de sanctions ne constitue pas en lui-même une solution à l’oppression. Nous ne voulons pas réduire le problème à la question du crime et du châtiment ou à des sanctions exemplaires, nous ne pensons pas non plus qu’on apprend par la peur. Ceci étant dit, que faire ?<br>
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We think that we, as militants of both sexes, have to make serious efforts to change our behaviour and our ideas, but this is obviously a long and sinuous process. In no way do we think it is a matter of finding the answers in recipe books or deportment manuals, and therefore neither do we believe that the establishing of sanctions would be a solution in itself to the problems of oppression. We don't like to reduce the issue to "crime and punishment" or exemplary punishments, nor do we think that people learn by fear. But then, what do we do?
D’abord, nous reconnaissons la nécessité des sanctions. Elles sont nécessaires pour préserver l’organisation, ce qui inclut les femmes. On exige des militant-e-s des normes minimales de respect dans les relations, qui permettent aux femmes d’agir politiquement dans notre pays, avec une certaine confiance. Il nous semble que ces normes minimales peuvent être classées en trois catégories : la violence (menaces et coups), la violence sexuelles (harcèlement et viol) et les agressions verbales sexuelles (remarques sexistes à l’égard des camarades). Bien entendu on pourrait encore subdiviser ces catégories, et elles exigent des types et des niveaux de sanction différents, mais nous considérons qu’il s’agit là des aspects minimaux autour desquels tous-tes les militant-es du PRT doivent établir les règles pour travailler ensemble. Si nous ne parvenions pas à réguler ces trois aspects, les femmes seraient laissées sans aucune protection dans notre vie au sein de l’organisation. Les sanctions sont un type d’action défensif qui permet qu’en tant que femmes nous puissions rester dans l’organisation avec un minimum de garanties.<br>
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First of all we recognize the need for sanctions. The sanctions are necessary to preserve the party, and this includes the women. Minimum norms of respect are required among militants, minimal norms of interacting, which give women a place to act politically in our country, with certain confidence. We believe that these minimal norms can be listed in three categories: Violence (threats and blows), sexual violence (harassment and rape) and sexist verbal aggression (sexist remarks against comrades). Of course all of these categories can be broken down a bit more, and they require different levels and kinds of sanctions, but we consider them to be the minimum aspects around which each man and women in the PRT should establish rules for working together. If we fail to regulate these three aspects, women would be left completely unprotected in our life in the party. The sanctions are a defensive action so that we, as women can remain in the party with at least minimum conditions guaranteed.
Dans la mesure où nous ne considérons pas cette question sous l’angle du crime et du châtiment, nous savons que, pour minimiser les agressions contre les femmes à l’intérieur de l’organisation, il importe de faire plus que mettre en place des sanctions. Il s’agit fondamentalement d’une lutte idéologique. Nous menons un combat conscient contre l’idéologie patriarcale, son système de valeurs, ses habitudes etc. Pour cela, nous devons débattre de manière organisée des différents aspects de l’oppression liées à ce qu’on appelle la vie privée, sexualité, subjectivité, maternité/paternité etc.
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Since we don't see this issue as a matter of crime and punishment, we know that, in order to minimize the aggressions against women within the party, it is necessary to do other things other than just to sanction. It is fundamentally a matter of ideological struggle, we are consciously trying to combat patriarchal ideology, its value system, its customs, etc. For this purpose, we need to seriously discuss in an organized way, the different aspects of gender oppression in relation to what is called private life: sexuality, subjectivity, maternity-paternity, etc.
L’organisation ne peut en aucun cas réguler l’intimité des militant-es, nous ne sommes pas une force de police chargée de réguler la pensée et les sentiments des cadres de l’organisation. Il s’agirait de pratiques dignes du stalinisme et du nazisme, qui n’appartiennent pas à nos conceptions marxistes révolutionnaires. Mais il est évident que, pour que nous puissions réellement prendre en compte la question du genre, l’organisation doit discuter  des questions personnelles et subjectives, en tentant d’établir un équilibre entre trois aspects : les conditions objectives dans la société, le respect de l’individualité de chacun dans son processus de construction individuelle, et le questionnement de la sphère privée, qui nous montre sa nature politique et sociale. Nous devons aussi prendre en compte les différents niveaux de conscience parmi les militant-es de l’organisation, pour pouvoir situer nos mesures dans la réalité contradictoire du PRT.<br>
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The party can in no way regulate our militants' intimacy; we are not a police force to regulate the thinking and sentiments of our cadre. That is a practice of Stalinism and Nazism, which does not belong in our revolutionary Marxist conceptions. But it is obvious that, in order for us to really undertake the gender question, the party must discuss personal and subjective questions, trying to establish equilibrium among three aspects: the objective conditions in the society, the respect for individuality each person's individual process, and the questioning of the private sphere, showing up its political and social nature. We also need to take into account the different levels of consciousness among militants in the party, so that we can situate our measures in the contradictory reality within the PRT.
Cela signifie que nous devons intégrer le débat sur ces questions dans la vie de l’organisation et dans l’éducation des cadres. Nous devons mettre en place du matériel et des méthodes appropriés pour l’éducation aux différents niveaux, mais surtout, la direction doit s’engager, avec la commission, à organiser le débat. <br>
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This means that we need to integrate the discussion of these issues into the party life and into cadre education. We have to create materials and methods for the education appropriate for different levels, but most importantly, the leadership must make together with the women's commission must make a commitment to organize the discussion.
Il est fondamental que l’ensemble de la direction soit impliquée, parce qu’il faut éradiquer l’idée que l’oppression des femmes est le problème des femmes. La responsabilité de féminiser l’organisation nous appartient à tous et toutes. Ce qui est sûr, c’est qu’en tant que femmes, nous avons besoin d’un certain équilibre des forces pour que la question du genre puisse être présente en permanence. Bien entendu, pour que cela soit possible, il faut un mouvement de femmes actif dans le pays, mais nous devons aussi créer un espace de discussion pour les femmes là où il n’y en a pas, et le renforcer là où il existe. Nous ne voulons pas être quelques féministes spécialisées, mais nous souhaitons que toutes les femmes au sein du PRT trouvent une identité de genre, et pour cela, nous devons discuter entre nous. L’expérience des femmes du Comité Central est un pas en avant important, mais nous devons approfondir notre recherche d’un meilleur rapport de forces.<br>
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It is fundamental for the whole leadership to be involved, because the issue in question is to eradicate the notion that women's oppression a women's problem. The responsibility of feminizing the party belongs to us all. What is clear is that we as women require certain balance of forces so that the gender question can be present at all times. Obviously, for this to happen, we need to have an active women's movement in our country, but we also need to create discussion space for women where there is none, and where there is, we must strengthen it.
Il nous semble que nous pourrons améliorer le rapport de forces et notre confiance en nous lorsque nous commencerons à discuter de notre oppression en tant que femmes dans les instances de base. Parfois, c’est plus efficace qu’une sanction. <br>
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We don't want there to be just a few specialized feminists, but for all the women in the PRT to find a gender identity, and for that to happen, we need to discuss among us. The experience of Central Committee women is an important step forward, but we need to go deeper in our search for a better balance of forces.
Nous devons aller beaucoup plus loin dans la discussion au sujet des différents niveaux de conscience à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de l’organisation. Il est important de discuter de comment les militant-es doivent se comporter dans le mouvement de masse, et de tenter d’expliquer ce que doit être le comportement militant féministe dans le mouvement de masse, en évitant la confrontation violente. <br>
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We think that we will better our balance of forces and our self-confidence when we begin discussing our oppression as women in our base committees. Sometimes this is more effective than a sanction.
Nous avons confiance dans le PRT, et dans la possibilité pour les hommes et les femmes en son sein d’initier un changement profond. Nous voulons que le VIème congrès marque une nouvelle étape sur le chemin que nous avons emprunté au dernier congrès.<br>
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We need to go much deeper in our discussion regarding the different levels of consciousness inside and outside the party. It is important to discuss about how militants should act in the mass movement, and try to explain what we understand as militant feminist conduct in the mass movement, without being violently confrontational.
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We have confidence in the PRT, just as we also trust that it is possible for the men and women within it to initiate a profound change. We want this VI Congress to mark one more step on the road we started to build at our last congress.
  
'''Commission Femmes du PRT
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''PRT Women's commission
Bandera Socialista No.402, Decembre 1989'''
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Bandera Socialista No. 402, December 1989''

Revision as of 11:38, 16 January 2013

"Sanction policies in a feminist party" Resolution of the 6th National Congress of the PRT (Mexican Section of the 4th International), 1989

The following criteria of internal sanctions in the party, in regard to oppression of women, were approved at the VI National Congress, held from the 1st to the 5th of November in Mexico

The present document is a contribution from the PRT Women's Commission to the thinking about a sanctions policy in relation to women's oppression. We thought it was especially important to start the thinking in writing now, since we decided at our last congress to initiate new efforts to make this a feminist party. We believe that, since our last congress, women militants have been feeling more confident about denouncing cases of aggression against them, which motivates us to make the following observations with an eye to continuing to deepening the discussion begun two years ago. A party like ours, whose revolutionary principles include a feminist perspective, finds itself up against challenges and contradictions when trying to set norms and rules about internal functioning. When we join a revolutionary party we usually assume a certain world view, implicit in our principles, and that becomes an accepted common identity, establishing therefore in practice a social form of control between the members of the revolutionary party. This social control is found in our party norms and bylaws, and is enforced fundamentally by the control commission, and by all other party bodies. This is where sanctions come in to the picture. And this is why they are accepted by the militants as a necessity. There are certain values that have historically been accepted by Marxists regarding a revolutionary activist's behaviour. Nevertheless, when confronted with feminist questioning, we have fewer common values, due to several reasons, including for instance, the youthfulness of the mass feminist movement (with respect to the revolutionary movement). The changes in behaviour and in values that feminism proposes are not accepted by society as a whole, nor by all revolutionaries, because they are part of what has historically been considered as private. For that reason, creating norms for party life using feminist criteria is no easy task. We know that it is not a matter of giving recipes or models for life. The search for new men and women is just that: a search. We know that the total liberation of both men and women is not possible in the capitalist system, but precisely that is one of the contributions of our internationalist current, to recognize the necessity of struggling for change, starting today. We do not assume the cynical attitude that says "we can't change this today; it will change under socialism." Our revolutionary commitment is to fight for change starting today, however painful this process might be, and with all of its contradictions. After all, the lives of revolutionary men and women are not characterized by their comfort. In our new revolutionary Marxist current, we have a conception of feminism as a movement that seeks profound change, the subversion of the established order. We do not limit ourselves to assuring women access to careers, professions, posts, rank, encouragement, resources, etc. Our feminist struggle is not simply for formal equality, but to revolutionize gender relations, as a whole, between men and women. It is for this reason that our feminist conception includes also the private sphere. Our purpose is to feminize both the public and the "private. " Women's oppression is expressed in a fundamental way in the private sphere. To us, the private sphere is not only the home and intra-family relationships, but fundamentally the whole aspect of male and female identity in which the relationships linked with gender domination are felt the most deeply and painfully. Centuries of training for both men and women are concentrated in the formation of the differing male and female identities. To change this is no easy task, but let us hope it does not take us yet again as many centuries. We considered it necessary to start with these observations in order to put the complexity of women's oppression in that framework, and to call attention to the need deepen our understanding without using clichés about women's oppression and liberation. Also we think it's important to explain why we say that the party is not an island, neither men nor women militants can really liberate themselves individually or in groups. We live with the contradiction of fighting every day for a new world, against the current of the rest of society, as well as in relation to ourselves. The greatest problem is that, regardless of the difficulties implied in our reality, we have to establish certain social, internal control in regards to gender relations. In this field we have taken several important steps forward, if we take into account the adverse context. Affirmative action, and minimum quotas in the leadership are two important measures towards building a feminist revolutionary party. Nevertheless, there are other aspects of party building where it is more difficult to apply feminist criteria. Social control to protect women militants against aggression by male comrades is not commonly accepted. In other words, feminizing the public sphere (access for women to the leadership, delegates, etc.) is less problematic than feminizing the private sphere. The biggest problem is that that is where we find the worst of women's oppression. We think that we, as militants of both sexes, have to make serious efforts to change our behaviour and our ideas, but this is obviously a long and sinuous process. In no way do we think it is a matter of finding the answers in recipe books or deportment manuals, and therefore neither do we believe that the establishing of sanctions would be a solution in itself to the problems of oppression. We don't like to reduce the issue to "crime and punishment" or exemplary punishments, nor do we think that people learn by fear. But then, what do we do? First of all we recognize the need for sanctions. The sanctions are necessary to preserve the party, and this includes the women. Minimum norms of respect are required among militants, minimal norms of interacting, which give women a place to act politically in our country, with certain confidence. We believe that these minimal norms can be listed in three categories: Violence (threats and blows), sexual violence (harassment and rape) and sexist verbal aggression (sexist remarks against comrades). Of course all of these categories can be broken down a bit more, and they require different levels and kinds of sanctions, but we consider them to be the minimum aspects around which each man and women in the PRT should establish rules for working together. If we fail to regulate these three aspects, women would be left completely unprotected in our life in the party. The sanctions are a defensive action so that we, as women can remain in the party with at least minimum conditions guaranteed. Since we don't see this issue as a matter of crime and punishment, we know that, in order to minimize the aggressions against women within the party, it is necessary to do other things other than just to sanction. It is fundamentally a matter of ideological struggle, we are consciously trying to combat patriarchal ideology, its value system, its customs, etc. For this purpose, we need to seriously discuss in an organized way, the different aspects of gender oppression in relation to what is called private life: sexuality, subjectivity, maternity-paternity, etc. The party can in no way regulate our militants' intimacy; we are not a police force to regulate the thinking and sentiments of our cadre. That is a practice of Stalinism and Nazism, which does not belong in our revolutionary Marxist conceptions. But it is obvious that, in order for us to really undertake the gender question, the party must discuss personal and subjective questions, trying to establish equilibrium among three aspects: the objective conditions in the society, the respect for individuality each person's individual process, and the questioning of the private sphere, showing up its political and social nature. We also need to take into account the different levels of consciousness among militants in the party, so that we can situate our measures in the contradictory reality within the PRT. This means that we need to integrate the discussion of these issues into the party life and into cadre education. We have to create materials and methods for the education appropriate for different levels, but most importantly, the leadership must make together with the women's commission must make a commitment to organize the discussion. It is fundamental for the whole leadership to be involved, because the issue in question is to eradicate the notion that women's oppression a women's problem. The responsibility of feminizing the party belongs to us all. What is clear is that we as women require certain balance of forces so that the gender question can be present at all times. Obviously, for this to happen, we need to have an active women's movement in our country, but we also need to create discussion space for women where there is none, and where there is, we must strengthen it. We don't want there to be just a few specialized feminists, but for all the women in the PRT to find a gender identity, and for that to happen, we need to discuss among us. The experience of Central Committee women is an important step forward, but we need to go deeper in our search for a better balance of forces. We think that we will better our balance of forces and our self-confidence when we begin discussing our oppression as women in our base committees. Sometimes this is more effective than a sanction. We need to go much deeper in our discussion regarding the different levels of consciousness inside and outside the party. It is important to discuss about how militants should act in the mass movement, and try to explain what we understand as militant feminist conduct in the mass movement, without being violently confrontational. We have confidence in the PRT, just as we also trust that it is possible for the men and women within it to initiate a profound change. We want this VI Congress to mark one more step on the road we started to build at our last congress.

PRT Women's commission Bandera Socialista No. 402, December 1989