https://4edu.info/index.php?title=Extract_from:_Michael_L%C3%B6wy:_The_politics_of_combined_and_uneven_development._The_theory_of_permanent_revolution&feed=atom&action=historyExtract from: Michael Löwy: The politics of combined and uneven development. The theory of permanent revolution - Revision history2024-03-28T16:33:43ZRevision history for this page on the wikiMediaWiki 1.37.1https://4edu.info/index.php?title=Extract_from:_Michael_L%C3%B6wy:_The_politics_of_combined_and_uneven_development._The_theory_of_permanent_revolution&diff=6668&oldid=prevAlex at 13:10, 1 November 20162016-11-01T13:10:39Z<p></p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">Revision as of 14:10, 1 November 2016</td>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Some countries – Mexico, Bolivia, Algeria, Peru – have implemented relatively radical reforms, while others – Mexico, India, Venezuela etc. – have established more or less stable parliamentary democratic states. Finally, some countries have attained a significant degree of political and economic independence in relationship to imperialism: Algeria, Burma, Egypt (at least in Nasser's time), Mozambique, etc. Yet these results must be qualified in two ways: first, each of these accomplishments has been incomplete, limited and often ephemeral; secondly, no country has so far succeeded in successfully combining all three revolutionary-democratic transformations, and, as a result, explosive and unresolved contradictions have persisted in the core of their social formations. Moreover, it is important to distinguish the two social modalities assumed by most of these revolutionary-democratic movements:</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Some countries – Mexico, Bolivia, Algeria, Peru – have implemented relatively radical reforms, while others – Mexico, India, Venezuela etc. – have established more or less stable parliamentary democratic states. Finally, some countries have attained a significant degree of political and economic independence in relationship to imperialism: Algeria, Burma, Egypt (at least in Nasser's time), Mozambique, etc. Yet these results must be qualified in two ways: first, each of these accomplishments has been incomplete, limited and often ephemeral; secondly, no country has so far succeeded in successfully combining all three revolutionary-democratic transformations, and, as a result, explosive and unresolved contradictions have persisted in the core of their social formations. </div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Moreover, it is important to distinguish the two social modalities assumed by most of these revolutionary-democratic movements:</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>1) Interrupted popular revolution: where the popular masses, workers and/or peasants, burst onto the scene of history, smash the old political structures, but are eventually neutralized by bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces who usurp leadership and 'institutionalize' the revolution. Classic cases include; Mexico (1910-20), Bolivia (1952-55) and Algeria (1954-65).</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>1) Interrupted popular revolution: where the popular masses, workers and/or peasants, burst onto the scene of history, smash the old political structures, but are eventually neutralized by bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces who usurp leadership and 'institutionalize' the revolution. Classic cases include; Mexico (1910-20), Bolivia (1952-55) and Algeria (1954-65).</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>2) Semi-revolutions from above: characterized by a Bonapartist leader with broad popular support who implements some important reforms. Examples include: Kemal Ataturk (Tureky 1919-38), Getulia Vargas (Brazil 1930-45, 1950-54), Lazaro Cardenas (Mexico 1934-40), Juan Peron (Argentina 1944-55), Nehru (India 1947-64), Jacob Arbenz (Guatemala 1951-54), Nasser (Egypt 1952-70) and Sukarno (Indonesia 1945-66). These 'semi-revolutions' are unstable and tend to dissipate or disintegrate altogether after the death, retreat or overthrow of the Bonapartist and charismatic leadership (although some reforms may survive).</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>2) Semi-revolutions from above: characterized by a Bonapartist leader with broad popular support who implements some important reforms. Examples include: Kemal Ataturk (Tureky 1919-38), Getulia Vargas (Brazil 1930-45, 1950-54), Lazaro Cardenas (Mexico 1934-40), Juan Peron (Argentina 1944-55), Nehru (India 1947-64), Jacob Arbenz (Guatemala 1951-54), Nasser (Egypt 1952-70) and Sukarno (Indonesia 1945-66). These 'semi-revolutions' are unstable and tend to dissipate or disintegrate altogether after the death, retreat or overthrow of the Bonapartist and charismatic leadership (although some reforms may survive).</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This taxonomy, of course, is relative, not absolute: in every actual historical case movements 'from above' and 'from below' interacted with each other, sometimes as a conflictual balance of forces, at other times as a succession of phases.</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This taxonomy, of course, is relative, not absolute: in every actual historical case movements 'from above' and 'from below' interacted with each other, sometimes as a conflictual balance of forces, at other times as a succession of phases.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br/></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Michael Löwy: The politics of combined and uneven development. The theory of permanent revolution. 1981 (p. 164)</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Michael Löwy: The politics of combined and uneven development. The theory of permanent revolution. 1981 (p. 164)</div></td></tr>
</table>Alexhttps://4edu.info/index.php?title=Extract_from:_Michael_L%C3%B6wy:_The_politics_of_combined_and_uneven_development._The_theory_of_permanent_revolution&diff=6667&oldid=prevAlex: Created page with "Some countries – Mexico, Bolivia, Algeria, Peru – have implemented relatively radical reforms, while others – Mexico, India, Venezuela etc. – have established more or ..."2016-11-01T13:10:16Z<p>Created page with "Some countries – Mexico, Bolivia, Algeria, Peru – have implemented relatively radical reforms, while others – Mexico, India, Venezuela etc. – have established more or ..."</p>
<p><b>New page</b></p><div>Some countries – Mexico, Bolivia, Algeria, Peru – have implemented relatively radical reforms, while others – Mexico, India, Venezuela etc. – have established more or less stable parliamentary democratic states. Finally, some countries have attained a significant degree of political and economic independence in relationship to imperialism: Algeria, Burma, Egypt (at least in Nasser's time), Mozambique, etc. Yet these results must be qualified in two ways: first, each of these accomplishments has been incomplete, limited and often ephemeral; secondly, no country has so far succeeded in successfully combining all three revolutionary-democratic transformations, and, as a result, explosive and unresolved contradictions have persisted in the core of their social formations. Moreover, it is important to distinguish the two social modalities assumed by most of these revolutionary-democratic movements:<br />
1) Interrupted popular revolution: where the popular masses, workers and/or peasants, burst onto the scene of history, smash the old political structures, but are eventually neutralized by bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces who usurp leadership and 'institutionalize' the revolution. Classic cases include; Mexico (1910-20), Bolivia (1952-55) and Algeria (1954-65).<br />
2) Semi-revolutions from above: characterized by a Bonapartist leader with broad popular support who implements some important reforms. Examples include: Kemal Ataturk (Tureky 1919-38), Getulia Vargas (Brazil 1930-45, 1950-54), Lazaro Cardenas (Mexico 1934-40), Juan Peron (Argentina 1944-55), Nehru (India 1947-64), Jacob Arbenz (Guatemala 1951-54), Nasser (Egypt 1952-70) and Sukarno (Indonesia 1945-66). These 'semi-revolutions' are unstable and tend to dissipate or disintegrate altogether after the death, retreat or overthrow of the Bonapartist and charismatic leadership (although some reforms may survive).<br />
This taxonomy, of course, is relative, not absolute: in every actual historical case movements 'from above' and 'from below' interacted with each other, sometimes as a conflictual balance of forces, at other times as a succession of phases.<br />
<br />
Michael Löwy: The politics of combined and uneven development. The theory of permanent revolution. 1981 (p. 164)</div>Alex