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In Brazil we have had a government of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) for the last ten years. This time has observed a government with a democratic appearance, implementing a few social programs and a growth based on credit, but maintaining and deepening the attacks on workers rights, privatization and the alliance with conservative sectors. The social movements historically constructed, such as UNE e CUT, are completely coopted by the government.
In Brazil we have had a government of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) for the last ten years. This time has observed a government with a democratic appearance, implementing a few social programs and a growth based on credit, but maintaining and deepening the attacks on workers rights, privatization and the alliance with conservative sectors. The social movements historically constructed, such as UNE e CUT, are completely coopted by the government.


The year of 2012 already demonstrated some fragility on that scene: it was the highest number of strikes since 1996. In June 2013, there were massive demonstrations all over the country, which put more than people in the streets. It was a progressive movement, formed basically by the youth with an nonpartisan component. The demonstrations have been spontaneous and haven’t had a direction or central demand – the first protests were about public transport, but that quickly grew to other things, such as public services in general and a political reform. The government hasn’t been able to respond to the demands exposed by the people and, although in most cities the protests are now smaller, the general juncture is of constant explosions that tend to grow even more next year with the World Cup. We have put our efforts to strengthen spaces of self-organization – with priority on the youth.
The year of 2012 already demonstrated some fragility on that scene: it was the highest number of strikes since 1996. In June 2013, there were massive demonstrations all over the country, their impact was more important  than the large numbers of demonstrators in itself. It was a progressive movement, formed basically by the youth with an nonpartisan component. The demonstrations have been spontaneous and haven’t had a direction or central demand – the first protests were about public transport, but that quickly grew to other things, such as public services in general and a political reform. The government hasn’t been able to respond to the demands exposed by the people and, although in most cities the protests are now smaller, the general juncture is of constant explosions that tend to grow even more next year with the World Cup. We have put our efforts to strengthen spaces of self-organization – with priority on the youth.


We currently militate on PSOL (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade), which is a broad party with internal trends, that stands a left opposition to the PT government. CSOL, ENLACE and CLV are in a process of unification inside it, and we maintain a dialogue with B&D, a local organization composed basically by youth. The main dispute in PSOL today is its relation with the state, which expresses itself in debates about electoral alliances, relation with the government and party financing. We are composing a “Left Block” in the party, which is being organized to dispute the PSOL Congress in the end of November of 2013.  We consider this dispute central on the directions of PSOL in the future.
We currently militate on PSOL (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade), which is a broad party with internal trends, that stands a left opposition to the PT government. CSOL, ENLACE and CLV are in a process of unification inside it, and we maintain a dialogue with B&D, a local organization composed basically by youth. The main dispute in PSOL today is its relation with the state, which expresses itself in debates about electoral alliances, relation with the government and party financing. We are composing a “Left Block” in the party, which is being organized to dispute the PSOL Congress in the end of November of 2013.  We consider this dispute central on the directions of PSOL in the future.

Latest revision as of 12:03, 26 August 2013

In Brazil we have had a government of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) for the last ten years. This time has observed a government with a democratic appearance, implementing a few social programs and a growth based on credit, but maintaining and deepening the attacks on workers rights, privatization and the alliance with conservative sectors. The social movements historically constructed, such as UNE e CUT, are completely coopted by the government.

The year of 2012 already demonstrated some fragility on that scene: it was the highest number of strikes since 1996. In June 2013, there were massive demonstrations all over the country, their impact was more important than the large numbers of demonstrators in itself. It was a progressive movement, formed basically by the youth with an nonpartisan component. The demonstrations have been spontaneous and haven’t had a direction or central demand – the first protests were about public transport, but that quickly grew to other things, such as public services in general and a political reform. The government hasn’t been able to respond to the demands exposed by the people and, although in most cities the protests are now smaller, the general juncture is of constant explosions that tend to grow even more next year with the World Cup. We have put our efforts to strengthen spaces of self-organization – with priority on the youth.

We currently militate on PSOL (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade), which is a broad party with internal trends, that stands a left opposition to the PT government. CSOL, ENLACE and CLV are in a process of unification inside it, and we maintain a dialogue with B&D, a local organization composed basically by youth. The main dispute in PSOL today is its relation with the state, which expresses itself in debates about electoral alliances, relation with the government and party financing. We are composing a “Left Block” in the party, which is being organized to dispute the PSOL Congress in the end of November of 2013. We consider this dispute central on the directions of PSOL in the future.